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  • was the Vice President, presiding on occasion, and [there were] Symington and Kennedy and Humphrey. And as far as basic capability was concerned--at least in the legislative context--there was no question, he was just head and shoulders above them all. He
  • miss opportunities. "What was behind the emphasis on the army's special forces in the Kennedy Administration? Any perceived contradiction between the apparent shift of mission for special forces from guerrilla fighters to counterguerrilla operatives?" I
  • not always so sure of You can get a few people to do that but I don't believe, at that time anyway, that you could get men to give up their principles just to get on a committee. Now, he placed John Kennedy on the Foreign Relations Committee when John
  • Jenkins; evaluation of LBJ’s press secretaries; break between Moyers and LBJ; George Christian; Lady Bird as a business manager; LBJ’s love of giving gifts; communication between Lady Bird and Jackie Kennedy.
  • . And the Catholics are a union all their own. She got thousands-­ literally thousands--of postcards and letters welcoming her to the club. We got very few against. I think that, one, Kennedy's election as a Catholic made it safe for anybody in any religion
  • the assassination of President Kennedy November, 1963. While I always most friendly to him, I really didn't see President Johnson from the time of s campaign for re-election in 1964 until about February, 1968, when named my son, John, Jr., to membership
  • perhaps in an indirect way, but after the election of 1960, after the election of President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson, did the Civil Rights Movement more or less deliberately and consciously decide that now the time has come to press harder
  • , that I would only find out by living with it day after day, week after week. This was early 1961. The Kennedy Administration had just come in, and a number of people in and around government had told me in effect, "If you know so goddamn much about
  • appointed and had begun its work. in either 1961 or 1962; maybe 1962. That occurred I guess That started under the Kennedy Administration and the major impact to begin that came from the American Heart Association, the American Cancer Society and what
  • over to Raleigh. Anyway, for some The time I saw her was. when Lyndon was running for vice president, I saw her then. in California then. We were I talked to her the day after the nomination of Kennedy and Johnson. G: How did she feel about his
  • surprised about the '60 convention . my husband calling me from the convention . I remember He was outraged because the bosses had run it and Kennedy had become the nominee . He himself thought at this point that Lyndon Johnson had been very badly
  • . sador to Poland, where you were when he became President. c: That's correct. M: So you were originally appointed to that position by President Kennedy? C: That's right. M:I believe you mentioned a moment ago that your personal association
  • : Well, as I say, I supported Goldwater . No . And there, of course, as between Johnson and Kennedy, I would have been quite happy to have seen Johnson nominated over Kennedy . M: That's what I was thinking--when they were building up to this Now, you
  • interest in it. It came out after he had become president, but it had started under Kennedy, and I don't know that he was thoroughly briefed on it. I didn't get to know him very well at that stage. I have no reason to think that he didn't support it. 21
  • important precedent. And, as I remember, Lyndon Johnson did work for that bill. B: Yes, he did. Then what was your attitude toward the 1960 Democratic ticket of Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Johnson? R: Quite frankly, I was very distressed when Mr. Johnson
  • a minor part in the Presidential race on behalf of the Kennedy-Johnson ticket that year. Of course, I knew Connally and saw him as Secretary of the Navy on several occasions, and when he determined to run for governor, he wanted me to run his campaign
  • times he'd express his dissatisfaction with the ineptitudes of the people that Kennedy had on the Hill and Bobby's continual sniping at him . Can you give me an example of this sniping? An occasion where, let's say, Bobby Kennedy-­ B: We'd get
  • real recommen­ dation of the Administration was really when President Eisenhower told Presidc:nt Kennedy he felt the first action we would have to take would be in that area -- Laos, and Viet-Nam -- and that he would have taken it ex.ct!pt th,":lt he
  • . He felt the responsi- bility for those men himself. G: He was very, He felt that very strongly. I wanted to ask you to elaborate on this Kennedy bill which he asked you to comment on in 1958. H: I don't remember now in detail. G: You indicated
  • that and particularly when he had a meeting not long after this announcement, first with Senator Bob Kennedy and then with Vice President Humphrey. At both of those meetings the President under- took to tell them something about his reasons for deciding not to run
  • , and the committees of that nature . Ba : Back to 1960, the convention at which Mr . Kennedy was nominated for President and then Mr . Johnson for Vice President--did you have any personal loyalties at that one? Bu : No . Obviously the ethics of your position
  • rights arena. And then I wanted to include Vice President Johnson. He had been entrusted with civil rights responsibilities by President Kennedy, and I thought that this was remarkable for two reasons: He had been a southerner; he had not fought hard
  • Professional background; Jordan’s two trips to Vietnam; report that the North Vietnamese threat was serious; Kennedy’s 1961-1963 decision to escalate U.S. involvement in Vietnam; Jorden’s belief that Kennedy would have followed LBJ course in Vietnam
  • obviously. The reason I'm delving on this early period is that you were in a good position to have an impression at least of what the nature of the American commitment in Vietnam was during the latter two years of President Kennedy's tenure and, thus
  • that John F. Kennedy, after the Bay of Pigs invasion--and I'm sure there was more to it than this--but where he felt that the United States had been disgraced because it had not used enough military power to win, John F. Kennedy decided to step up U.S
  • and see what America--we had a preview of what kind of America he wanted during those two years of a coalition-proof Congress. F: I always thought he made the utmost out of Kennedy's assassination. As far as all those things that had hung, he realized
  • holding oral arguments; continuity on the FPC during the Kennedy-to-Johnson transition; work with Joe Califano; the November 1965 power blackout in the northeast U.S. and the FPC's role in investigating it; how the FPC went about gathering data
  • with, Lyndon Johnson before you were appointed to the Federal Power Commission by President Kennedy. Did you know him when he was in the Senate or even before that? S: Not before he was in the Senate. I knew him slightly as vice president as a result of some
  • by the Japanese at Pearl Harbor. F: You were just about the first senator to go on record. G: I was the first. My first attack was in October of 1963 when I criticized Jack Kennedy for sending so-called advisers down there, who were not advisers at all
  • Kennedy regarding my relationship with President Kennedy during the time that he was president and also the one or two contacts I had with him during his campaign for the LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon
  • Student activity fund; Gaillardian; LBJ and Mylton Kennedy; Mary Brogdon; Whiteside’s letter about postmastership; repercussions from Whiteside’s role in Lyndon Johnson Day at Southwest Texas.
  • name. We were talking about the fight between he and Babe [Mylton] Kennedy. That all stemmed from a very small item, due to the fact that Babe Kennedy was very jealous of his job as the head of the Star and Lyndon was trying to root him out
  • the vice presidential B: No, I wasn't . M: You thought he might do that? B: Yes, I thought he might do it . position? I didn't think that Kennedy would offer it to him, but I thought he might take it if it was offered . M: Why do you think he
  • in the first step, to stop Kennedy. If they could stop McGovern, then they'd see what would happen. In the case of Kennedy and the case of McGovern, the end result reflected the intensity of the effort that had been expended over a period of a couple of years
  • picked up--but in Okla­ homa the big difference between Nixon and Kennedy, I think, was a difference of region . Mr . Kennedy spoke with a New England accent ; he always said "Oklahomer," which offended our people, [and he] was looked upon as kind
  • they would send a White House car for me. on. I had a very enjoyable evening. So So I went I met the various people there, Shriver and his wife and Bob Kennedy and others. But I had met McNamara and Kennedy and others during a reception that they LBJ
  • submarines as a part of that international force. Well, when President Kennedy came to power, he took a look at this situation. And we decided then that it would be up to the Europeans to tell us what from the European point of view would meet their needs.And
  • . Byron People like Cecil Burney and Vann Kennedy--was that his name?--in Corpus Christi. G: Vann Kennedy, yes. B: The guy whose name I tried to remember a while ago; he's from Hillsboro, by the way. And generally when they discussed it with him
  • III -- I -- 8 breakfasts after the election and when he became vice president, and one morning he had arranged for us to meet him in one of the side rooms of the White House to meet the President. I distinctly remember Kennedy and Johnson and Humphrey
  • with Lyndon Johnson. I did have considerable contact with Jack Kennedy, because he, too, was a veteran and that was indirectly a relation to Lyndon Johnson. I had no direct contact. G: You came back to Congress as a senator in 1957. J: Right. G
  • police units going down to Selma. I think Johnson learned from the 1963 march on Washington that he had to act more boldly than Kennedy had, in certain respects. When they had the 1963 march on Washington at the Lincoln Memorial, which is really one
  • of rejection by our own government of any neutralization talk. Neutralization was, in effect, giving them what they wanted. I went to see De Gaulle during the Kennedy days and had a long talk with him about it. I found myself in the position which is familiar
  • was as a politician, and I thought that he was the best bet, would make the best candidate for president, and when he took the vice preSidential nomination after Nr. Kennedy received the nomination, I was greatly disappointed. That was one of the reasons that I di dn